CESRAN is a registered CIC (Community Interest Company) in the UK | No: 08189980

facebook 22

twitter 22

linkedin 22

googleplus 22

rss 22

Reviews

Book Review

Book Review: Cultural Encounters in the Arab World: On Media, the Modern and the Everyday

Tarik Sabry’s Cultural Encounters in the Arab World: On Media, the Modern and the Everyday is, first and foremost, a fervent case made for the establishment of Arab cultural studies as a discipline.


BY NAGIHAN HALILOGLU | OCTOBER 22, 2012

3

In the wake of the Arab spring, his prescient book will be leafed by many who have hitherto seen the Arab world through exposés on radicalism and terrorism. The case Sabry makes for the quotidian, for everyday encounters, is a welcome one, though one with many methodological shortcomings. While the book seems to be an exercise in de-essentialization, Sabry often falls back on rigid categories that he aims to deconstruct. His effort isn’t helped by the fact that the starting premise is an unnecessary fragmentation of the process of ‘encounter’ into several parts including ‘the encountered’ and the ‘the side that does the encountering’, while his argument would have been better served by seeing ‘both sides’ as agents equally transformed by the process.

In the first chapter Sabry makes it clear that the encounter he is interested in is that between Arab cultures and modernity, and takes a long tour of the genealogy of modernity, which he only very loosely connects to his arguments. The real gist of the book comes in the second chapter when Sabry tackles the issues that govern the cultural and political discourses in the Arab world. Making several references to the pan-Arabist Al-Jabri’s work he exposes the tension between the discourses that favour turath (heritage) and that favour hadatha (modernity). He identifies four different positions vis-à-vis these discourses: the historicist, the rationalist, the salafist and the anti-essentialist. What he unravels in the first three positions is the way authenticity is used as a tool of legitimation, particularly by the salafists: “authentication as Islamisation often takes place within a discourse that largely serves the telos of the authenticator rather than Islam” (p. 36) As a proponent of cultural studies, and the study of the everyday, for him the way forward is the anti-essentialist position which allows for different interpretations for everyday events. The most interesting advocate of this position is, Sabry tells us, Khatibi, who among others aims to transcend the tension between heritage and modernity (tajawuz) and calls for a reconnection between Arab philosophy and the event. The exposition of these positions is Sabry at his best, as he names and describes the categories- a method he seems to abandon elsewhere in the book. He introduces many interesting concepts in passing and leaves them unexplored, such as ‘de-de-Westernization’. Though quite a mouthful, it promises to be a useful concept if only Sabry took time to elaborate on it. It is time, Sabry seems to be saying, to look at cultural phenomena on their own terms, rather than take an ideological position to condemn their possible ‘Western’ character. This coincides with Khatibi’s call that the hermeneutics we use to understand Arab culture needs to have a category that precedes both the cultural and the social, the latter pretty much a dirty word also in salafist circles.

Sabry continues to take issue with authenticity in the chapter in which he develops his analytical tools, saying that using authenticity as the yardstick fails to recognize popular culture and the everyday as sites of production of political meaning- a warning that obviously was not heeded by those whom the Arab spring took by surprise. Political protest as the everyday, as the culture of the street, calls to mind the carnivalesque, which Sabry mentions, again in passing but rather annoyingly does not develop. His championing of popular culture is articulated through his call for a new language of critique that can recognize narratives and cultural products other than the privileged, normative nassaq and this, he says, requires a shift from literary criticism to cultural criticism.


pdf
*Published in Journal of Global Analysis (JGA) Vol. 3 | No. 2
© Copyright 2012 by CESRAN


AddThis
 

Book Review: The Arab-Israeli Conflict in the Media: Producing Shared Memory and National Identity in the Global Television Era

In The Arab-Israeli Conflict in the Media: Producing Shared Memory and National Identity in the Global Television Era, Tamar Ashuri discusses the tensions between several forces such as nationalism and globalization; economic interests and cultural constraints; shared and cosmopolitan memory. 


BY PINAR SAYAN | 22 OCTOBER 2012 

2

To do so, she firstly justifies her choice of television as being the central instrument of creating common memories and identity. Then, she identifies two recent challenges to this dominance caused by cable and satellite distribution and digital technology; and the transition from a national to a transnational system of production. These two forces together challenge the authority of the nation-state over the broadcasting sector and leading away to a transnational one which is more concerned with the market value.

Among the two approaches of “hegemony” and “heterogeneity”, that tries to explain the relations between nationalism and globalization; the former suggests a more prominent role for globalization while the latter claims the ongoing supremacy of national feelings in the media productions. Ashuri, on the other hand, claims these two approaches are not necessarily excluding each other, actually they are interwoven. Her main concern is to prove this claim by analyzing television programming particularly. To realize this aim she chooses a documentary, which had been produced by an international co-production. Since the international co-productions are consisted of broadcasters from different countries, this is an excellent choice by the author to test the tensions between globalization and nationalism. The international co-productions are crucial for sharing the financial burden thus contributing to the globalization dimension to the media productions, but since they retain their rights to make changes in the end-product it is very enlightening to observe how they used these rights. 

The Fifty Years War: Israel and the Arabs, is a perfect choice for analyzing this issue since it is an international co-production financed by the BBC, the programme’s initiator; WGBH Boston (PBS); and MBC Abu-Dhabi/London. The documentary aims to cover the conflict between Israel and the Arabs in a six part documentary series. These three broadcasting organizations are not only the financiers but they also had the right to edit the final product according to their own choices. So, by looking at the final products of these broadcasters the author aims to find the answers of the questions of: what kind of influences these joint ventures have on the productions? How can the recent developments in broadcasting industry affect the content of programmes, namely do the economic constraints lead to the demise of the national interests? 

In order to answer these questions, she takes a holistic approach and refrains from the methodological flaws of media economists and cultural theorists by examining the entire production process; the pre-production, production and post-productions decisions, adjustments, conflicts and processes. She investigates the interactions between three broadcasting organizations and she also analyses the “master-text” and three distinct texts produced by these organizations.


pdf
*Published in Journal of Global Analysis (JGA) Vol. 3 | No. 2
© Copyright 2012 by CESRAN

AddThis
 

Book Review: The Politics of Global Regulation

The process of neoliberal globalization underway since the 1980s has had destabilizing impacts on nation-states and their institutions.


BY DR. EVREN TOK  22 OCTOBER 2012

1

State capacity and national policy-making have been substantially transformed, with many scholars characterizing this process as the rescaling-up (and down) of the Westphalian nation state. Manifestations of this process have been complex, and have engendered new power relations and new domains of supranational policy venues indicative of an increasingly global system of governance. In fact, the national scale of analysis still remains a crucial site of contestation and negotiation, but with less autonomy and domination in terms of certain ideas, institutions and interests. These transformations have spurred scholars to increasingly study regulation at a global, rather than at a national level of analysis.

The Politics of Global Regulation, an edited volume by Walter Mattli and Ngaire Woods, by showcases a versatile, analytical perspective to understanding global regulation which takes into account multi-faceted interactions between nation-states, international organizations and civil actors and the nature of political mediation across multiple scales of political economic activity. The 2008-2009 financial meltdown and the resulting changes to global governance following the crisis highlighted the increasing need for such a global perspective. 

Mattli and Woods’s introductory chapter evaluates the potential to translate intentions to establish an effective global regulatory regime into reality, not only in the realm of finance, but in other sectors as well. The introduction provides the theoretical framework for the analysis in the following chapters. It sets out to explain which interests have a higher tendency to be represented in global regulation and why others are excluded. According to the editors, the answer depends on the nature and dynamics of political construction in each stage of the regulatory process. This theoretical underpinning posits that there are two factors at work that determine regulatory outcomes. On the one hand, policy formulation at the national level is based on domestic institutional assets and the collective capacity of domestic actors, and on the other hand, is based on the emergence of regulatory networks operating at the global level. In this context, Mattli and Woods argue that variations of regulatory outcomes can be explained by the forces of demand and supply. The institutional setting within which global regulation occurs is intrinsically exclusionary and favours narrow interests. The editors contend that regulation for the common interest requires broad based demand for change, the absence of which will make formally open institutional contexts inaccessible. More specifically, the likelihood that change in regulation will benefit more broad interests are determined by three factors: sufficient information about the impact on diverse actors, and the convergence of interests among the various actors and ideas that bind together actors within existing institutions. In this theoretical architecture, sustainable institutional change is predicated on the ability of groups to forge new ideas that generate widespread support allowing interest groups to press for change, but at the same time these dynamics play out within credible existing institutional frameworks.


pdf
*Published in Journal of Global Analysis (JGA) Vol. 3 | No. 2
© Copyright 2012 by CESRAN

AddThis
 

Book Review: Ottomania: The Romantics and the Myth of the Islamic Orient

Since Edward Said’s Orientalism modern scholarship has developed an ever-intensifying awareness toward Eurocentric notions that have been long imbedded in the Western narrations of the East, or Orient


BY YASIR YILMAZ | MAY 18, 2012

8103020

Though one may still frequently come across intentional or unintentional orientalisms in the American (and, in general, Western) media and popular culture, most specialists of area studies such as Near Eastern or Asian Studies have now become more perceptive and insightful, and try to avoid all forms of Eurocentrism in their research, at least in theoretical level. As a recently growing field, global history, for instance, prioritizes inter-civilizational historical comparisons from a new unbiased perspective. In the last decade or two, global historians have revised some of the generally accepted historical arguments on the political, economic, and cultural backwardness of the non-Western world. Studies on the Ottoman Empire have also benefited from this trend, and it is now common knowledge that the so-called backwardness of the non-Western world was reverberation of the myths that the book under review here examines.

Within this regard, Roderick Cavaliero breaks no new ground, but makes some wise remarks on some of the well-known issues. The sources he analyzes are the writings of eighteenth and nineteenth century European authors, travelers, diplomats and adventurers, some of whom had never been to the Orient, and almost all of whose thinking about the east was typically given shape by an imaginative romanticism. In the preface and the first chapter, he traces the earliest creation of the myths back to Lepanto and the 1570s, when the once formidable and terrible Ottoman forces took their first major defeat by the Europeans. From then on, as the defeats the Europeans inflicted upon the Ottoman armies grew in size and number, the mighty Ottoman image in European eyes would gradually be replaced by one that is first disdained, and then ridiculed. Though not new in content, the rest of Cavaliero’s narration illustrates successfully how the Romantics textually reconstructed the various geographical and cultural domains of the Ottoman world which would then serve as the antithesis of Renaissance and Enlightenment Europe. The second and third chapters survey the images of the most misinterpreted individual and institution by the Europeans: the Ottoman Sultan and Harem. For Europeans, the former was capricious and unpredictable, whose ruling style was for long defined as ‘oriental despotism’ by the modern scholarship, while the latter “spelled sexual slavery and intimidation” (p. 39). It is difficult to dispute Cavaliero’s statement that the concept of Harem has thus become “a major obstacle to East-West understanding” (p. 34). In an intelligent remark, Cavaliero reminds that the Harem within the Sultan’s court was needed to avoid childlessness and inheritance crisis. In addition, harems of the wealthy individuals had a contemporary and contextual logic in a society characterized by love of offspring where women feared not being married, and indeed, even women of lower status who lived in a segregated haremlik enjoyed their lives as much as the wealthy. Cavaliero notes often that this was what Lady Montagu and Pierre Loti observed, at two distant times. Another undisputable remark is that The Arabian Nights Entertainments, the major source of the myths about oriental exoticism and eroticism, is “the oriental fantasy par excellence” (p. 40). The author states that the stories of captivity in the East would always be ornamented with barbarity “to keep public interest alive” (p. 73), or with homosexuality, purportedly a “universal practice in Arab and Ottoman lands” (p. 77). There is no doubt that Lord Byron was writing with the same motives when he introduced the East as “where the virgins are soft as roses they twine.” In chapters seven through ten, Cavaliero successfully depicts the gradual transformation in the attitude of the Europeans from this imaginative and fictitious otherization of the East to a domineering feel of contempt. In accordance, while Napoleon Bonaparte was landing at Alexandria with an army of scientists to become the master of the Orient in the fashion of Alexander of Macedon, Greek revolution would be glorified by Delacroix in his paintings. Likewise, Persia, which couldn’t escape mythical imaginations in Thomas Moore’s Lalla Rookh, was believed to be an unexplored equivalent of the Ottoman Empire and no more than a potential buffer against the Russian threat.


pdf
*Published in Journal of Global Analysis (JGA) Vol. 3 | No. 1
© Copyright 2012 by CESRAN



AddThis
 

Book Review: An Island in Europe: The EU and the Transformation of Cyprus

When the Republic of Cyprus (RoC) applied for EU membership on behalf of the entire island, the prospect increased the hopes that it would act as a catalyst for Turkey and Turkish Cypriots to consent a mutual settlement.


BY BILGE YABANCI | JUNE 12, 2012

an-island-in-europe-the-eu-and-the-transformation-of-cyprus

Many also thought that the EU conditionality would oblige Greek Cypriot leadership to work closely with Turkish Cypriots in order to find a solution to one of the most persistent inter-ethnic disputes the world society ever witnessed. Both sides agreed to vote in separate referendums for a comprehensive settlement plan negotiated under UN auspices - known as Annan Plan- in 2004. The Plan set a future united federal state based on bi-communal (power-sharing between the two communities) and bi-zonal (two constituent federal states with some restrictions on movement and settlement between them) elements. After the rejection of the Plan in the Greek side, the divided island has become a member-state and the implementation of acquis is suspended in the Turkish north until another unanimous decision.

The membership of divided Cyprus has rather come as a shock for Brussels and taught many lessons inside the EU. First, the EU claiming to be a model for peace and reconciliation just let an ethnic conflict inside its borders. Enlargement if proceeds hastily might have catastrophic rather than catalytic effects on the peace process. Second, it might have further implications regarding the credibility of the EU as a conflict resolver. One of the most obvious examples would be the secessionist claims in the Balkans and future enlargement. Third, while a future settlement would be based on the good will of the parties, the EU has to act to figure out ways to accommodate a divided member-state into its institutional structures without hindering basic values and principles that underlie the Union.

The edited volume by Ker-Lindsay, Faustmann and Mullen in its entirety aims at analysing the third issue, namely how the process of accession and membership has transformed RoC and to what extent the EU has absorbed and tolerated the abnormalities of Cyprus’s unique situation into its legal and institutional structures. In this sense, the emphasis is on the challenges and transformative impact of the accession process and post-accession period in RoC. In doing this, the book is divided into seven chapters and an introduction written by different experts in order to analyse the effects of the EU accession over the political, legal, economic, social and foreign policy areas.

The book does not aim at dealing mainly with the Cyprus conflict as one might expect.  As the name suggests, it provides analysis for the entire island. However, due to the almost 40 years of division between Turkish and Greek sides, the chapters actually deal with the change in the only recognised state on the island –RoC- where the acquis is implemented. Nevertheless, the nature of the complex interaction between internationally unrecognised Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), RoC, and the EU after the accession required each chapter to deal with the implications of the membership for this long-standing conflict.


*Published in Journal of Global Analaysis (JGA) Vol. 3 | No. 1
© Copyright 2012 by CESRAN

AddThis
 
  •  Start 
  •  Prev 
  •  Next 
  •  End 

Page 1 of 6

By A Web Design

jga bookreview
jga manuscript
jcts manuscript
jCTS bookreview


CENTRE

for

STRATEGIC RESEARCH

and

ANALYSIS


© 2008 - 2013
All rights reserved.
Except for the information on CESRAN, assessments expressed in this site reflect only the opinions of their authors and do not represent the opinion of CESRAN

.
Site Meter